The Allegory of Faith
(Allegorie op het geloof)
c. 1670- 1674
oil on canvas
54 x 35 in. (114.3 x 88.9 cm.)
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
Bequest of Michael Friedsam
Perhaps no other tapestry in Vermeer's oeuvre has been painted with such attention as this one. Such pulled-back curtain repoussoir motifs were typically used to set a dramatic entrance for the painting and enhance the importance of the scene which unfolds. In reality, tapestries were hung in many Catholic places of worship which indirectly supports the theory that this painting represents a "hidden"Catholic church (schuilkerk.)
This tapestry resembles examples made in Belgium in the second half of the 16th c. All of the Oudenaarde tapestries were made by hand by with sometimes up to 5 weavers sitting next to each other on a horizontal loom (as opposed to the French vertical loom). During the work, only a part of the tapestry was visible to the weavers who based their weaving on a carton copy of the design. Only when the tapestry was finished, the result could be admired in its fullness.
It took a long time to weave a complete tapestry. An average weaver only produced a piece of tapestry as big as a grown man's hand a day. In the beginning, only a limited number of colors were used, mainly shades of green - hence the typical name "Verdures", (French for "greenery"—see example left). Later, the total amount of colours was raised to sometimes 1800 different shades.
The gentleman with a hat who leads an animal that has been described as a horse or a camel. Present too are the telltale signs of the camera obscura image, perfectly round highlights of light-toned paint called the pointillès scattered along the surface to evoke the rough weave of the tapestry.
J. C. Jegher
after Erasmus Quellinus
Capit Quod Non Capit
from Hesius,
Emblemata sacra de fide, spe, charitate
Antwerp, 1636
National Gallery of Art,
Washington
The glass orb, one of the finest passages in the painting, has been particularly perplexing to scholars. De Jongh notes that it accentuates the Jesuit content of the work because Vermeer seems to have drawn inspiration from an emblem book by the Jesuit author Willem Hesius which represents a winged boy holding a sphere that reflects the overhead sun and a crucifix a nearby. The accompanying poem compares the sphere's capacity to reflect the vastness of the universe with man's ability to believe in God.
Observed attentively, the globe reveals that Vermeer painted the play of light on the partially shuttered windows and on the floor of his own studio.

Perhaps in no other painting of Vermeer do we find the opulence and torment of the European Baroque conscience as much as in this painting even though Vermeer has done his best to adapt his geometrical measured painting style to the passion of the Catholic Faith which is the evident subject of this work. The overall result rarely satisfies the taste of modern observers but may have been differently perceived by the artist's contemporaries.
The tortured, calligraphically painted veins of the white marble floors are truly astounding if we compare them to those of his interiors of a few years earlier.
Merry Company at a Table
Hendrick van der Burch
55 x 69 cm
Private collection
Such gilt tooled-leather panels served as luxury wall covering to mitigate the humid white-washed Dutch walls of the well-to-do burgers. They can be seen in a great number of Dutch interior paintings of the time some showing the walls entirely covered (see left). The result produces a fascinating effect that one rarely associates with the typical austerity of Dutch interiors. In Vermeer's death inventory of movable goods, 7 ells (yards) of gilded-leather are listed. They can also be seen behind the maid and mistress in the earlier Love Letter.
One has the impression that the scene of Vermeer's painting, including oddly only one piece of leather covering, is somewhat improvised. Some scholars in fact, believe that Vermeer represented a makeshift, clandestine Catholic church, ready to celebrate the Holy Mass. (see Special Topics entry below).

The serpent, symbol of Satan, hell and death, spits blood. It is crushed by a slab, which stands for the stone on which Christ ordered Peter, alias Simon, to erect His Church and found the papacy.
Christ on the Cross
Jacob Jordaens
c. early 1620s
Private collection, Antwerp
The painting on the back wall is a simplified version of the Crucifixion by Jacob Jordaens, a version of which survives in Antwerp. Vermeer has omitted both the man on the ladder and Mary Magdalen at the feet of Christ. His mother-in-law Maria Thins may have owned the Jordaens, or a copy of it, since the 1676 inventory includes a "large painting representing Christ on the Cross."

On the altar-like table of Allegory Faith lie a chalice and an open Bible. There is also a crucifix, quite possibly the "ebony wood crucifix" listed in the inventory drawn up after Vermeer's death.
According to the art historian Valerie Hedquist, the table becomes an altar that conforms in many respects to contemporary Roman Catholic accounts regarding the altar and its liturgical articles. Thus, Vermeer may have wished to represent contemporary Roman Catholic Church.
The detail of the upper part of the chalice (see detail left) shows how the artist attempts to synthesize texture with a series of staccato, dots and dashes which are intended to evoke the reflections of its elaborate relief design.
Although this work is hardly a favorite among Vermeer enthusiasts, the Allegory of Faith reserves a number of surprises for the careful observer from both an iconographic and technical point of view. This, like other late works by Vermeer, is characterized by an increasing tendency to simplify and abstract form coupled with a lively, yet controlled brushwork alien to his perfectly balanced images of the 1660s. Description succumbs to pattern.
Mary Magdalen Turning from the World to Christ
Jan van Bijert
c. 1625-1630
Bob Jones University, Greenville, South Carolina
Contemporary illustrated mass books, Jesuit writings, and primary sources regarding the Roman Catholic mission to the Netherlands suggest that Vermeer depicted a genre scene that served as a domestic church setting where the Eucharistic miracle of transubstantiation is celebrated.
This terrestrial globe is identical to the one depicted in Vermeer's Geographer fabricated in 1614 by Jacob Hondius. In the present painting, the allegorical figure of Faith rests her foot on the continent of Asia. According to many scholars, Vermeer seems to have followed to the letter Cesare Ripa's description of Faith who "has the world under her feet" by including the terrestrial globe.
In a meticulous in-depth study of Catholic backdrop of the Allegory of Faith, Valerie Hedquist provides convincing pictorial and iconographic evidence which supports the identification of the richly attired woman in Vermeer's painting more specifically as the penitent saint Mary Magdalen, representing the figure of faith. She points out that Vermeer may have had in mind a penitent Magdalen (see left) by Jan van Bijlert.
Details from both artists' works appear in an emblem from the 1646 Het masker vand wereldt afgetrocken, by Jesuit priest Adriaen Poirters. In the twelfth print of the book, a worldly woman in the foreground admires her own reflection in a mirror, while in the background a figure, identified as Mary Magdalen, gazes at an image of Christ crowned with thorns. In this depiction, Mary Magdalen holds a crucifix in her left hand and rests her foot on a terrestrial globe. The globe, the crucifix and the crown of thorns, associated with Mary Magdalen's emblem reappear in Vermeer's painting.
Het Masker was considered an emblem masterpiece when it was first published in 1646. Considering its numerous editions and Vermeer's close ties with the Jesuit community in Delft, he would have been easily familiar with it.
Thus, Vermeer's Magdalen stands between the celestial globe suspended by the blue ribbon over her head (symbolizing the heavens) and the terrestrial globe (symbolizing the earth) under her feet.
The Repentant Magdalen
1655
52 x 171 cm
Musée du Louvre, Paris
Modern critics have always drawn attention to the overtly rhetorical gesture and modest technique reserved for the figure that represents Catholic Faith. However, to understand Vermeer's figure as it was conceived, we must examine another part of Vermeer's composition: the Crucifixion by Jacob Jordaens which hangs prominently in the background.
According to art historian Valerie Hedquist, "Vermeer altered Jordaens' original composition in two significant ways. Firstly, he eliminated a figure on a ladder in the background of Jordaens' work, and, secondly, he removed or obscured the figure of Mary Magdalen mourning at the bottom of the cross between Christ and St John in Jordaens' composition. Vermeer's figure of faith assumes the position of the seated Mary Magdalen in the background painting and comes to life as the penitent saint within Vermeer's domestic church interior."
Italian and French art provided scores of appropriate images from which Vermeer could have drawn from. Although he may not have seen the works themselves, painted copies and engraved prints of these works circulated throughout Europe. Many painters collected engravings as a sort of cook book for anatomy and gestures for their own paintings of religious subject matter.

Although the composition of Allegory of Faith is clearly based on Vermeer's celebrated Art of Painting (see left), it lacks both expressive and pictorial conviction. The blue cushion and chair are both props that can be seen in other works by Vermeer but their illumination does not seem to be coherent with the rest of the painting. They seem to have been introduced to cover the excessive number of black and white marble tiles.

Although the composition of Allegory of Faith is clearly based on Vermeer's celebrated Art of Painting (see left), it lacks both expressive and pictorial conviction. The blue cushion and chair are both props that can be seen in other works by Vermeer but their illumination does not seem to be coherent with the rest of the painting. They seem to have been introduced to cover the excessive number of black and white marble tiles which draw the observer's eye to a blank, inconsequential area of the painting.
- critical excerpt
- signature
- date
- provenance
- technical description
- framed image
- related works 1 2 3 4
In order to appreciate the full rich meaning of the Allegory of Faith, one must acknowledge the community of believers at the Delft Papists' Corner. Vermeer's painting of faith, the real presence of Christ on the altar, and the penitent saint Mary Magdalen, met the needs of the Catholic community in a private devotional setting. Vermeer's work is a finely painted masterpiece that ties Vermeer to his community, family, and home. In the domestic sanctuary depicted in Vermeer's Allegory of Faith, the New Testament of Christ is renewed in the Holy Sacrament of the altar. The open curtain reveals the altar on which the historical Crucifixion depicted in the painting on the back wall is perpetually renewed in the sacrifice of the Holy Mass. The figure of Faith, Mary Magdalen, personifies the enduring belief in the miracle of the altar, the real presence of Christ's body and Blood.
Valerie Lind Hedquist. "The Real Presence of Christ and the Penitent Mary Magdalen in the "Allegory of Faith" by Johannes Vermeer." Art History 23 (September 2000)
c. 1671-1674
Arthur K. Wheelock Jr. (Vermeer: The Complete Works , New York, 1997)
c. 1670-1672
Walter Liedtke (Vermeer: The Complete Paintings, New York, 2008)
The light brown ground contains chalk, lead-white and umber.
Underdrawing lines, which appear to be in black chalk, are visible between the floor tiles and the line separating the ceiling from the wall.
The paint has been thinly a smoothly applied, though some impasto in the curtains and in the blue areas is apparent. Areas of the curtain were painted wet-in-wet as were some of the flesh tones. The vanishing point of the painting is visible as a small depression in the paint layer.
* Johannes Vermeer (exh. cat., National Gallery of Art and Royal Cabinet of Paintings Mauritshuis - Washington and the Hague, 1995, edited by Arthur Wheelock)
literature

- Herman Stoffels van Swoll, Amsterdam (before 1698);
- Van Swoll sale, Amsterdam, 22 April 1699, no. 25;
- sale, Amsterdam 13 July 1718, no. 8;
- sale, Amsterdam, 19 April 1735, no. 11;
- [David Ietswaart, until 1749];
- Ietswaart sale, Amsterdam, 22 April 1749, no. 152 (to Ravensberg);
- private collection, Austria (1824);
- Dimitri Shchukin, Moscow (1899, probably as by Eglon van der Neer);
- [Wächtler, Berlin, 1899, as by Eglon van der Neer, sold to Bredius];
- Abraham Bredius, The Hague (1899-1928, as by Vermeer, on loan to the Mauritshuis, The Hague, 1899-1923, The Hague, on loan to the Museum Boymans, Rotterdam, 1923-1928, sold to Kleinberger);
- [Kleinberger, Paris, 1928, sold to Friedsam];
- Michael Friedsam, New York (1928-d.1931);
- The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, The Friedsam Collection, Bequest of Michael Friedsam, 1931 (acc. no. 32.100.18).
exhibitions
Portrait of Michiel van der Dussen,
his Wife, Wilhelemina van Setten
and their Children (detail)
1640
159 x 210 cm.
Gemeente Musea Delft;
Collection Stedelijk
Museum Het Prinsenhof, Delft
Nearly every scholar concurs that the Allegory of Faith was commissioned, presumably by someone who had Catholic ties. Some believe that a Jesuit publication which contains the only contemporary reference to a glass ball (which hangs from the ceiling) and the indisputable Jesuit leanings of his strong-willed mother-in-law point towards the Jesuits themselves. But as Walter Liedtke points out, Jesuits were more inclined towards conventional imagery. He suggests that Michiel van der Dussen, a well-to-do Catholic and important supporter of the Delft Bagijnhof, a community of Catholic lay-women, as a likely candidate.
While Catholics still formed a sizable segment of the population when the United Provinces came into being, gradually they were submerged in the rising tide of Protestantism, particularly Calvinism. The Catholic faithful were compelled to worship in private - their churches were stripped of their altars and often were taken over for use by Protestants. In these circumstances, the Church could no longer supply the rich commissions that had nourished artists since the beginning of the Renaissance.
Title page of
Iconologia or Moral Emblems
English edition, 1709
Ceasar Ripa
There is little doubt that Vermeer derived most of the components of the Allegory of Faith from the1664 Dutch translation of Ceasar Ripa's Iconologia, a well-known guide to the symbolism. It was used by orators, artists and poets to give substance to qualities such as virtues, vices, passions to the arts and sciences. The concepts were arranged in alphabetical order by their Italian names. It was very influential in the 17th century and went through a number of editions. There were 9 Italian editions and 8 editions in other languages. Both the text and the emblems included in these editions vary greatly.
Vermeer did not adhere blindly to the prescriptions of the Iconologia. None of the four allegorical figures of Faith match exactly. Ripa recommends that the figure of Faith, who represents most important virtue, should be painted with white which relate to light and purity. Instead, blue represents the heavenly sky. The hand which is posed on Faith's breast indicates that living faith lies within the heart. The cornerstone which has crushed the snake represents Christ who defeats Satan.
Fede Cattolica
from Cesare Ripa
Iconologia
1644, Amsterdam
Other important elements such as the glass ball and the crucifix are not mentioned in Ripa's volume while the Eucharistic chalice and Missale point to the Holy Mass. However, Vermeer followed to the letter Ripa's description of Faith who "has the world under her feet" by including the terrestrial globe
.Vermeer also consulted the Iconologia for the figure of the muse Clio for his Art of Painting.
Modern critics underline the contrived nature of the picture and most place it among Vermeer weakest works. It is hardly a favorite of the public either even though it contains passages of exquisite pictorial facture. However, any presumed lack of artistic participation should be taken with caution. Tastes for subjects and pictorial styles change insidiously through the centuries and it would appear that Vermeer's contemporaries thought very differently about the painting. In a posthumous sale, the Allegory of Faith was described as "powerfully and glowingly painted," a statement which was objectively backed-up by the considerable sum it was able to fetch, the highest documented sum for a Vermeer painting sold in the years during or shortly after the end of the artist's activity.
In Vermeer's slim oeuvre, this work has always been noted for its dissimilarities than for its ties with the rest of the artist's oeuvre. Most scholars are not in agreement why such a scene unfolds in a fashionable Dutch Interior. John Montias has speculated that the artist's home may have served as a place of worship and that the work's subject is drawn from a real-life situation. As Vermeer expert Walter Liedtke points out, it is more probable that the painting simply belongs to a long Netherlandish tradition of representing religious events within the confines of a contemporary house.
In a revealing study, Valerie Hedquist investigates the placement and relationship of objects in Jan Vermeer's unusual Allegory of Faith in the context of Dutch Roman Catholicism in the 17th century. Contemporary illustrated mass books, Jesuit writings, and primary sources regarding the Roman Catholic mission to the Netherlands suggest that Vermeer depicted a genre scene that served as a domestic church setting where the eucharistic miracle is celebrated. Additional pictorial and iconographic evidence supports the identification of the richly attired woman in Vermeer's painting as the penitent saint Mary Magdalen, representing the figure of faith.
The Jesuit Church on the Oude Langendijk
(pen and ink drawing)
Abraham Rademaker
Gemeentearchief, Delft
In the past decades much ink has flowed concerning Vermeer's religious convictions. Nothing is known of Vermeer's religious thoughts before his marriage, except for the fact that he was baptized on 31 October 1632 in the Reformed Church in Delft. It now seems settled among historians that the young artist converted to Catholicism upon his marriage to Catharina Bolnes even though all the information in regards is circumstantial. His mother-in-law, Maria Thins, was a devoted Catholic and was instrumental in the painter's conversion. She was also a Delft patrician with excellent family ties who had grown up in the stronghold of Dutch Catholicism, in the town of Gouda. There, her family celebrated mass secretly in their home, De Trapjes (The Little Steps.) Her sister became a nun in Louvain.
Given Vermeer's conversion to Catholicism, it would have been natural for him to settle in the Papists' Corner (Papenhoek - see left) where his influential mother-in-law had a large house. The inn Mechelen where he lived before marriage was frequented chiefly by Protestants and was not a good place to bring up children in the Catholic faith. The Papist Corner was not a ghetto because many of the families who chose to live there did so by their own free will were prosperous. Although Catholics were not actively repressed, they were not altogether free to act as they wished. Vermeer himself was married in a hidden church in the nearby village Schipluiden.
Although not common, religious conversions happened. Perhaps Vermeer's conversion was inevitable. The Council of Trent had decreed matrimonial unions between Catholics and non-Catholics null and void. Thus, the marriage between Catharina as a Catholic and Vermeer as a non-Catholic would not have been accepted. According to the Council of Trent the Roman Catholic Church had always taught the dogma of the Holy matrimony as part of the Seven Sacraments, contrary to the Protestant Church (see Martin Luther, Von den Ehesachen. Wittenberg 1530). The apostolic vicar to The Netherlands, Phillip Rovenius, writing in 1648,equated the marriage of a Catholic to a nonbeliever to a pact with the devil.
In the case that Vermeer did indeed convert, did he do so to placate his influential, strong-willed mother-in-law, Maria Thins or was his conversion a spontaneous one dictated by inner spiritual necessities? This we will never know. Most likely, it was a good decision for both families.
By the time Vermeer's parents were married in 1615, the suppression of the Catholic faith in Delft was complete. But even though national decrees denied the Catholics the right to serve public office, many areas of the Netherlands remained solidly Roman Catholic. Despite the hostility, Dutch Catholics continued to worship and educate throughout the 17th century. In large cities like Amsterdam, Haarlem and Utrecht, commercial concerns dampened repeated calls for anti- Catholic laws. Although intolerance existed in the United Provinces, on the whole Dutch Catholics enjoyed remarkable freedoms compared with religious minorities elsewhere in early modern Europe. Penal laws against Catholics were occasionally enforced and Catholics were vulnerable to extortion, things could have been far worse.
Vermeer very probably converted to Catholicism upon his marriage to Catharina Bolnes although there is no sign that his decision had negative repercussions on his career. The most influential painter in Delft and friend of the Vermeer family, Leonaert Bramer (Delft's most prestigious artist) and Jan Steen were noted Catholics.
The Jesuits, who had established their first Dutch mission in 1592, moved to a permanent location in Delft in 1612. In 1650, Catholic inhabitants of Delft had the "choice" between three schuilkerken (hidden churches): two (dated from 1630-1650) in the Bagijnhof at the Oude Delft canal, dedicated to St. Hippolytus and St. Ursula and attended by secular priests, and the third one, established 1617 in an old warehouse at Oude Langendijk, dedicated to St. Josef and supervised by the Jesuits.
Due to the increasing population the hidden church at Oude Langendijk had to be enlarged c. 1835 and was rebuilt to a so-called "waterstaatskerk," the today's Maria Jesse Church. For this reason the house where Vermeer and his family had lived nearly 300 years earlier, had to be demolished.


